Kountouriotika Refugee Settlement: 1923 Red Cross Films

How is it possible that the first organized humanitarian action by the Greek immigrants in the U.S. could disappear from the annals of history? Although I have not quite verified this by any primary sources, Greek-Americans raised funds in 1923 to build the earliest refugee settlement in Athens. The settlement was known as Emirikon or, more commonly, as Kountouriotika, after Greek Admira (and later President) Paul Kountouriotis, who managed the distribution of the Greek diaspora relief funds. Kountouriotika is a unique settlement. It preceded the refugee housing built by the Refugee Settlement Commission (1923-1930) and the housing blocks built by the Greek government in the 1930s. The most famous of these, the Alexandras Avenue Apartments designed by the Le Corbusier trained Kimon Lascaris (1933-1935), has so dominated the architectural discourse over public housing, that it has eclipsed any interest on its American project across the street. 

The corner of Alexandras and Vasilisis Sofias Avenue has a layered history. It houses Greece's oldest continuously used stadium (for ther Panathenaic Soccer Team) and was inaugurated the same year as the refugee crisis. The Greek American diaspora invested in this corner a second time, paying for the field's light electrification in 1938. The corner is also the site of the infamous Averof Prisons, where political prisoners were held during the Fascist Regime of Metaxas (1937-40) and the colonel junta (1967-74). Like the Kountouriotika settlement, Averof Prisons were torn down in the 1970s.

Although I'm certain there is some Greek scholarship on Kountoriotika, I am surprised that it has not received greater attention. I am grateful to conversations with Jack Davies, who has explored this settlement even further in his archival work and with Alexander Kitroeff, the expert on the Panathenaikos Stadium. The limelight of Kountouriotika is 1923, when it was presented as a model project for humanitarian aid. It was quickly superseded with other projects, such as the refugee settlement at Pangrati, named Vyronas in 1924 (at the centennial of Lord Byron's death). 

My first photographic discovery of Kountouriotika was in the Frank and Frances Carpenter Collection at the Library of Congress. During his journey through Greece in 1923, Carpenter took photographed the refugee crisis. In the photo below, he notes: "A refugee city that was built by Greek Americans--A model of cleanliness and order."

This weekend, I became aware of another visual source for the Kountouriotika refugee settlement, thanks to the Greek Red Cross and Stephanie Larson. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has digitized its audiovisual collection and made it available to the public online. The collection includes seven reels documenting the 1923 refugee crisis in Greece. 

The reels offer invaluable evidence for the archaeology of humanitarian relief and, specifically, on the construction of Kountouriotika. The reels were recorded in 1923 by Rodolphe de Reding Biberegg, the ICRC delegate in Greece. De Reding took over the delegation in 1922 after the abdication of King George (Queen Sophia had been the president of the Greek Red Cross and, naturally, resigned). De Reding's activities in Greece are best documented in a recent article by David Rodogno, “The American Red Cross and the International Committee of the Red Cross’ Humanitarian Politics and Policies in Asia Minor and Greece (1922-1923),” First World War Studies 5:1 (2014), pp. 83-99. De Reding's first accomplishments was to convert the abandoned Stringos light bulb factory into a shelter for 2,500 refugees and to organize numerous soup kitchens. An even greater accomplishment was to manage the construction of Kountouriotika and herald it as a model refugee settlement. It is for this precise paradigmatic reason that the reels were filmed. Rodogno argues that "the construction of this showcase village was supposed to demonstrate to both Greek authorities and international donors that it was possible to find a permanent solution to the settlement of the refugees." (94)

The ICRC film is perhaps the most thorough documentation of this experiment. The settlement included a textile factory, a school, kitchens, a hospital, and a church. The film also shows working textile workers. It also shows the construction of yet another refugee settlement, which I have not yet identified. It is constructed by wood rather than brick. This is the German (Γερμανικά) type of housing, which took its name from the wood that the German government gave to Greece as part of its World War I reparations. Most architectural historians concur that no wooden structure of this type survives today, but I am hopeful that we might have simply not looked hard enough.

I have only began to scratch the surface on the archaeological value of these ICRC films entitled "The Greek-Turkish War: Greece 1923." But first, I provide here a general overview and links of the seven digitized films. Each film has a reference number and a link to its source. The most relevant reels for Kountouriotika are numbers 7, 8, 9, and the end of 10. The description is quoted directly from the ICRC Audiovisual Archive.

V-F-CR-H-00001-5
Individual portraits of all members of the International Commission for the Exchange of Turkish and Greek Civilian and Military Prisoners in front of the ICRC delegation in Athens. Established by the agreement of January 30, 1923 between Greece and Turkey on the exchange of prisoner of war, the commission works from February 27, 1923 (first report) to September 15, 1923 (departure of the ICRC delegate in Smyrna, dr Schatmann). Members: President Colonel Eduard Wildbolz (Swiss RC); Dr. Page (Swiss CR); Dr. Lindsjöe (Swedish CR); Commander J. Cottakis (Greek Gov.); Ali Muzaffer Bey (Turkish Govt) and Paul Schazmann (Intermediate at Smyrna from February to September 1923, made two fact-finding missions to Turkish prisoners of war in Greece in January 1922 and January 1923).

V-F-CR-H-00001-6
The first plans show the embarkation of Turkish refugees on a liner. A second sequence shows a refugee camp at the seaside in which many Turks wait to be embarked. The latest plans show the International Commission for the Exchange of Turkish and Greek Civilian and Military Prisoners in its entirety on the wharf and in front of the ICRC delegation in Athens (same plan as in V F CR-H-00001-5). Members: President Colonel Eduard Wildbolz (Swiss RC); Dr. Page (Swiss CR); Dr. Lindsjöe (Swedish CR); Commander J. Cottakis (Greek Gov.); Ali Muzaffer Bey (Turkish Government) and Paul Schazmann (Intermediary at Smyrna, Feb. 1923, who made two fact-finding missions to Turkish prisoners of war in Greece in January 1922 and January 1923). 

V-F-CR-H-00001-7
The film presents the different stages of the construction of the village "Embirikon" built thanks to the support of the mission of Reding and the subsidies sent by the Greeks of America to permanently lodge part of the refugees in brick houses. The construction of this village by the Greek refugees is the subject of this film .. It shows the work of the various workers (masons, carpenters, carpenters, etc. ..)

V-F-CR-H-00001-8
The film shows several weaving and sewing workshops where girls work. The images also contain two scenes of children's meals. The emblem of the International Union of Help to Children appears in most plans. A map shows children entering one of the brick houses that are being built in V F CR-H-00001-7. 

V-F-CR-H-00001-9
The first plans show the installation of families in the village "Embirikon". We see Rodolphe de Reding. The following plans show the construction of a camp of ten white tents. The latest plans show the construction of a wooden barracks camp, a gift from the Imperial war fund.

V-F-CR-H-00001-10
The film shows King George II and Queen Mary of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha in front of the ICRC and International Children's Relief Union delegations in Athens. Following a ceremony of awards ceremony in which the king participates in an amphitheater; hard to know what exactly it is. Finally, the royal couple visit the village "Embirikon"

V-F-CR-H-00001-11
The film shows food coming and going in the Save the Children Fund depot and a visit by two Save the Children Fund delegates from a children's school (or orphanage). The Save the Children Fund sign appears three times in these images.

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Teaching Thursday: Graphic Novel Migration Architecture

The first week of my Migration Architecture class is over. With the anxieties of a new class and a new group of students waning, I am ready to talk about it. The class has three objectives, to introduce students to spatial analysis as a discursive tool, to explore the inherent tension between migration and architecture, and to compare the American melting pot of the 1920s to migration today. The ingredients are part GIS, part graphic novel, part civic-engagement, and part forensic archaeology. Yes, a crazy combination that tries desperately to throw the students into hands-on spatial representing and analyzing their own constructions. Yes, I’m terrified of what might happen if the students don’t follow the tutorials on georectification or geocoding. Teaching software to undergraduates, I have come to believe, is equivalent to teaching them how to write or draw. But I don't quite know how to do it right yet.

The first GIS exercise of the course begins next week. The students will take over data generated by my 2016 Summer Hackman scholars, Lizzy Wood and Cassie Garrison. We will take 16 blocks of ethnic Philadelphia, map all the buildings and link them with their occupants listed on the contemporary census. Rather than giving the students a handful of terrific books and articles on Philadelphia’s ethnic melting pot, I have assigned them a graphic novel, the re-issue of Will Eisner’s A Contract with God, which takes place in Bronx tenement in 1930. I have never taught the graphic novel, but I have participated in readings and seminars of a graphic novel course that my colleague Kerry Sherry Wright teaches at F&M’s English Department. The second graphic novel that my student will read is Joe Sacco’s Notes from Gaza, which dramatizes Sacco’s investigation on the events of Rafa and Khan Yunis refugee camp in Palestine. The Arab Comic exhibition that just opened at the Phillips Museum adds another point of reference for the students.   

Today, we discussed the three stories of Eisner’s Contract with God. We asked a simple question. What is the architectural dimensions in the book’s narrative. Visually represented in a graphic novel, those spaces are not just implied but a parallel narrative to the words. We talked about the history of tenements from the double tenement of the 1830s, the railroad tenement of the 1850s, and the dumbbell tenement of the 1879 legislation. Through Eisner’s illustrations, we could reconstruct the entire architecture, from the stoop to the superintendent’s basement apartment. In the initial discussion of the books, the students were a little dumbfounded by my questions. Professor, what do you mean by the architectural narrative? Going through the graphic novel and comparing one illustration across the other, the students realized that the novel gave a fairly complete vantage of most of the architectural studies. The subject of the stories was kind of rough, involving rape, suicide, theft, domestic abuse and promiscuous sex. The students were able to handle it. No trigger warnings were necessary. At the end of the day, I was relieved that this graphic experiment worked out OK.

Eisner was one of many elements introduced. In just one week, the students have analyzed archival city maps at our Library Special Collections, were lectured on the architecture of the Jewish diaspora from the Temple of Solomon and the Tower of Babel to the Roman ghetto and the Russian pogroms. They learned about space, time, and form in archaeological analysis. And they also created a house database of family residence across three generations (the houses of their parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents) -- here they learned how difficult it is to get data even in your own family; they also learned of the great migration history that each student has brought to the class.

The Greek Laborer in America: 1907 Account

The textual sources for the archaeology of Greek immigration in the US are varied and relatively scarce. I am particularly interested in evidence on the materialities of dwelling. One type of source I'm working with includes a genre of guide books produced in the US and distributed to potential immigrant in Greece, as well as newcomers. They typically contain useful contact information (including addresses of Greek establishments for each city) and useful tips. The first such almanac was published in 1904 by the New York newspaper Thermopylae (93 Washington Street). Better known are the almanacs of Serapheim Canoutas, a Greek lawyer from Trikala and published an annually updated Greek American Guide from 1908 to 1915. The book was sold at the publisher (255 West 23rd St., New York City), in Athens bookstores (M. Saliveris was the main distributor on  Stadiou St), the Greek provinces and Istanbul. 

In the second edition of the Greek-American Guide (1909), Canoutas recognizes the need to describe the laborer conditions in the American West. He solicited G. Fotopoulos, a former Greek school teacher who migrated to Ely, Nevada. The report contains factual information about housing, clothing, eating and drinking.

The lives of immigrants became the subject of multiple studies by American activists and academics. Greek immigration coincides with the rise of the Chicago School of Sociology and empirical urban anthropology. Important as these early sources of Greek-American material culture may be, they were drawn from the perspective of outsiders. G. Fotopoulos's report to Serapheim Canoutas might be one of the earliest attempts to describe a community from the inside. The Greek biases are vividly clear.

As Canoutas himself admits, the predominant focus of his guides and of Greek immigration was centered on cities, where Greeks aspired to small commercial enterprises. This has left wage laborers in mines, railroads and factories in the dark. Greek scholarship has indeed focused more closely on the entrepreneurial transition from low to middle class by the Greek American community. Thankfully, the pioneering work of Helen Papanikolas directed research to mining Utah. The archaeology of Greek America also begins in the West at the excavation of the Ludlow massacre site by the Colorado Coal War Archaeological Project. Randy McGuire, Phillip Duke, Deane Saitta, Sarah Chicone and others have documented the living conditions of Greeks in the mining town of Berwind and in the tent city of the major union strike in American history directed by Louis Tikas. The Archaeology of Class War: The Colorado Coalfield Strike of 1913-1914 (Boulder, 2010), ed. Larkin, Karin and Randall H. McGuire, is a great monograph on this project. The translation of Fotopoulos report on the Greek laborer of the Western states, I hope, will be of use to the pioneering archaeological work carried out by this group.

The translation below is mine. If you are interested in a particular passage, I can refine it and answer more detailed linguistic questions. The image of the Greek immigrant above is a WPA photograph by Dorothea Lange, Migrant Agricultural Workers in California, 1939, from Library of Congress. Beyond the flare of its human subject, it illustrates the tent architecture of her ephemeral residence.

Canoutas, Seraphim G. 1909. Greek-American Guide, Ελληνο-Αμερικάνικος οδηγός, 2nd ed., New York: Phoenix. Kostis Kourelis translation. Pages noted in brackets.

During the last three years, we have studied the life of Greeks in America who live in cities. We have produced a long account in the preceding chapters of this book. We have studied their progress in commercial professions, as shop owners, or servants in hotels and laborers in factories. But we also wanted to include an account of the Greeks who work outdoors, whether in the construction of railroads or mines. So we contacted G. Fotopoulos, an ex-school teacher living in the state of Nevada, who lived and worked among the workers and we requested that he send us an account. He politely accepted our request and sent the following report. Since we received it late, we were not able to publish it in the first edition of the book [1906]. Mr. Fotopoulos gives us a picture of the situation as it was a year ago before the crisis. Hence the reader should take into consideration that the situation has greatly declined including wages. Those who had the fortune not to be laid off had their salaries significantly reduced. We should also explain to our readers outside of America that the states where Greeks work in railroads or mines are the Western states, especially California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Wyoming, Washington, Oregon and Idaho. Before the economic crisis, 10-15 thousand people worked in those states. The number today must be about half. [p. 209] Here is for us the letter describing the workers by Mr. G. Fotopoulos.
--SERAPEIM CANOUTAS

I gladly send the requested information regarding the Greek workmen in America. The history of Greek workers is long but there are only a few pages devoted to it. I hope this short description will satisfy your request. This short description is based on my experiences living with this community for a year. I send you heart-felt wishes for the success of the publication of your “Guide.” Warm congratulations for the difficult task of completing this volume that will prove to be extremely useful reading for the Greeks in the America.
Sincerely
--G. N. Fotopoulos
Ely, Nevada, November 22, 1907

THE GREEK LABORER IN AMERICA

A. WORK
The pickax and the shovel [η σκαπάνη και το πτύον] are the two main tools used by the Greeks to satisfy their wish of living their homeland. During the contracting projects, they work as large groups under the direction of a foreman and a Greek interpreter. [p. 210] In the repairs of railroad lines, they work in small teams of 6-10 according to sections. The other manual laborers are few in number and the type of work difficult to describe. This is typically work in factories. Daily wages range from $1 to $3. Wages are lower in the Eastern provinces and higher in the Western provinces. During my survey for the publication “The Flag” [Σημαία] at the beginning of the year, I collected the following figures for daily wage. Virginia $1-1.50, Missouri $1.50-1.75, Kansas-Wyoming-Iowa same, Colorado $1.50-1.75, Utah $1.75-2.00, Nevada $2.25-3.50. In general, work in the railroad lines is not exhausting, but work in the factories and mines is rough—frustrating and unhealthy. Unfortunately, the Greek has not comprehended the advantages of agriculture that is more profitable and easier to earn a living. It also offers great educational lessons that the immigrant could bring back to Greece and apply. The numerous Greeks that have excelled in agriculture, as they have communicated, have accomplished what they wanted. I must especially stress that Greeks should not lag behind the Bulgarians, who have involved themselves in agriculture much more than the Greeks.

B. HOUSING.-FOOD.

A Following the needs of their work, the Greeks live in sheds, tents and rail cars. When located near cities, they live in group housing of 5-20 individuals per room. The walls of these dwellings are covered by beds stacked one on top of the other [bunk beds]. In the center of the room, there is a long table for eating. On the side, there is a stove with its inseparable kettle and a pot for boiling coffee. [p. 211] Coffee is an invaluable beverage that gives flavor to breakfast, consisting of a slice of bread. A cook rotates among the workmen daily, weekly, or monthly and prepares the meals. The typical course for Greeks is meat. Variety is rare. At a visible place in the room, there are icons and pictures of beloved persons, for the most part photographsplace in the room, there are icons and pictures of beloved persons, for the most part photographs.

C. READING

Whatever book with a tantalizing title appears on a newspaper ad is gladly purchased for each worker’s idiosyncrasy. Stories like “Thje Brigands,” [Ληστών], “Chaido,” [Χαιδώ] “A Thousand and One Nights” [Χαλιμά] are the soft readings from which the laborers derive the fantastical, and the absurd, that is all dangerous and useless. Few laborers read history or any beneficial texts. Few subscribe to newspapers. Their news and interpretations are discussed with extreme carelessness. We believe it is essential to recommend the reading of newspapers or works published in Athens by the Society of Useful Books, which are enjoyable, educational and written in simple language. Religious books and illustrated books are entirely nonexistent. Not

D. HEALTH

The principles of health are unknown. The bed covers are never aired in the sun after getting gup. There is a silly notion that the bed covers will stay warmer if they are left on the bed until nighttime. Sometimes the rooms have curtains but they are not drawn to let any vital air into the room. This habit is a main cause of tuberculosis among most of our compatriots. [p. 212] Baths gratify Greeks. Among the 500 and over laborers at McGill, Nevada, almost no one visited the Company baths. They ignore the positive effects of bathing that it revives as much as it cleans the body. They also neglect the negative effects of humidity on the body. They prefer hot and humid air rather than cold and dry air, which is more beneficial to health. I once encountered a most depressing sight. I found Greeks sleeping inside a man-made cave, two feet deep and two feet tall, with an earthen roof. The only opening was a single low door. The walls were covered in mold. Most of the Greeks wear 2-3 undershirts at work because they are afraid of the cold. But in their first movements they get drenched in sweat and with the frigid cold they develop pneumonia, congestion and coughs that ultimately lead to tuberculosis. The diet of meat and large quantities of coffee is unhealthy. In the coffee, moreover, they add some form of mead or molasses after the coffee has boiled with sugar, which makes it cheaper. This diet combined with daily toil of outdoor work contributes to sickness.

E. DISEASES

Most of the workers, like many Greeks, suffer from venereal diseases. Our young people waste their earnings and their health to the terrible goddess Venus and become miserable. We think it is essential to visit a doctor immediately after the appearance of symptoms and not trust the advice given by colleagues who suffer from the same disease. The second most common disease is rheumatism caused by humid conditions. Other diseases are rare. We must also report that the company doctors devote no time to the workers.

F. EARNINGS-EXPENSES

The earnings of the workers are satisfactory, especially in the Western states. However, the lack of control on the expenses stresses the balance of the budget, and most find themselves without money. The petty pride so natural to Greeks and the petty daily expenses consume all the capital earned in the year. Card playing is also a problem (Greeks spent $15,000 in the gambling houses of Ely, Nevada). Moving to a new place in pursuit of a better job is also expensive (the railroads take a serious fee when there is a change of residence). Petty little shops where Greeks waste their free time also waste savings. These are the main reasons contributing to a chronic condition of poverty.

G. MORAL CHARACTER

Hard work and the lack of family are the two forces that contribute to ethical behavior. The lack of places to carry out religious duties and the seasonal festivals, contributes to ethical behavior. Living anonymously among people and the freedom to say whatever comes to one’s mind are also detrimental. These conditions have destroyed the good character of the Greeks. They have hardened his sentiment, made him coldhearted, indifferent and arrogant. They have made him forget his home country, his religion, his society and his humanism. The filth, rubble, irony and verbal abuse that take place in the labor settlements have acted negatively on the character of the Greeks. When those Greeks return back home, we might note, that while acquiring gold, they also acquired arrogance and many other character defects.

H. CLOTHING

Nobody could criticize the worker’s clothes. But the lack of non-working clothing to be used after work is noticeable among the Greeks. A minimal investment of $10-20 for presentable clothing would elevate both self-respect and respect of Greeks among others. [p. 214] It is a shame for Greeks to be walking around the streets with filthy and torn clothes.

I. BEHAVIOR

Greek history is known to all ethnicities in the U.S. They know of Ancient Greece as the origins of western civilization. Good behavior highlights the levels of civilization of each ethnic group. Modern Greeks, unfortunately, lack in good behavior. When we try to show off the customs of our country, we become ridiculous and are considered primitive. The customs of our country are very different from the customs here. Our songs sound to others like shrieking laments, our dances look like movements of primitive peoples, our drums and flutes solicit laughter. Our manner of speaking quickly, loudly and moving our hands vigorously seem wild and very undesirable to the ears of others. Our agitation, our eruptions and our stubbornness make others angry. Our manner of loitering on the sidewalks to talk is both illegal and annoying. Others consider us wild, beggarly (degos) and dirty. These are our behaviors. But we must remember the dignity associated with our name as Hellenes. Good judgment, willingness and good attitude are not impossible things.

J. COMPARISON BETWEEN GREEKS AND OTHER ETHNICITIES

Greeks are the most desired ethnicity for all jobs. Their diligence, patience, orderliness, willingness, devotion, self-discipline, control over alcoholic consumption, patience over abuse and respect for superiors have earned Greeks the reputation of most desirable laborer than other ethnicities that seem lazy, drunk, disorderly and disheveled. This distinction, however, has earned the hatred of all other groups. [p. 215] If the Greek did not have the above-mentioned faults, he would command greater respect and appreciation among the popular opinion.

K. RELIGIOUS AND NATIONAL CUSTOMS

With all the offerings towards the ideals of Hellenism, Nation and Religion, we dare say that the religious and national sentiments is not high. The religious sentiments are compromised by an intense fear of God or by the hope of God providing some material gains. Thanks to these, there is no high levels of religiosity. The national sentiment is in the same degree. We can divide Greeks in three clear categories with respect to the national sentiment. There are the cultivated and loyal subjects who regularly contribute to the nation and inspire others. There are the half-educated and stingy that give only after emotional pressure and shaming. And, finally, there are those who hate their country, who not only give nothing back but they curse the land that created them, they disrupt any communication with the homeland and discourage those that do.

L. NOTIONS OF RETURN

It is daring to note our serious opinion about this. Nine tenths of the unmarried workers who continue to work on daily wages, spend their money in the activities mentioned above that live the worker without savings. And they will never be able to return to Greece. The contrast between the plethora of pleasures in America and the thrifty life-style of Greece, muddle the filter of returning home. None of the men marry American women. They understand the cultural differences and the problems of living with liberated wives.

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Archaeology of Care: Refugee Crisis in Greece

Bill Caraher posted a challenge back in September. An Archaeology of Care generated a flurry of conversations mostly off-line on how the archaeological community might respond to the refugee crisis in Greece. Archaeologists of the contemporary world have provided the theoretical and methodological framework for action. Caraher's challenge was even more pronounced among his collaborators of the North Dakota Man Camp Project. For the last four years, we have been surveying itinerant camps associated with the oil boom (see Bakken Goes Boom publication here)

Incidentally, many of the Man Camp collaborators work in Greece and Caraher's challenge was the following. How do we take the methodology from studying encampments of prosperity to studying encampments of suffering? We haven't answered the question, but we all know. It is going to be impossible to go to Greece this summer and not tackle this challenge. My fieldwork in Deserted Greek Villages tackles a related phenomenon, when masses of Greeks migrated to the US after the 1893 economic crisis. Refugees and refugee management is central to the history of my foreign school, the American School of Classical Studies, who in 1932 excavated the Athenian Agora because of refugee encampment (above) -- see Nikki Sakka, "The Excavation of the Ancient Agora of Athens: The Politics of Commissioning and Managing the Project," Yannis Hamilakis, etc.

Over the last six months, Bill Caraher, Richard Rothaus, and I have been initiating a number of conversations with as many people as possible to figure this one out. Our first conversations was with cultural anthropologists with deep roots in the study of asylums in Greece. The Modern Greek Studies Association has been an incredible forum for these conversations, particularly in the 2015 conference in Atlanta. Under the leadership of Despina Lalaki, the MGSA drafted a selection of volunteer organizations and made it part of our official website. The MGSA Occasional Papers (edited by Neni Panourgia) has also been an important platform of discussion, see Katerina Stefatos, Dimitris Papadopoulos, and Chloe Howe Haralambous, "Notes From The Border: Refugee Lives and Necropolitics In The Aegean, August-November 2015" (MGSA Occasional Papers 8), Heath Cabot, "The Banality of Solidarity" (MGSA Occasional Papers 7), and Theo Rakopoulos, "Solidarity, Ethnography, and the De-instituting of Dissent" (MGSA Occasional Papers 6). Heath Cabot's book, On the Doorsteps of Europe: Asylum and Citizenship in Greece is an important starting point.

What makes the refugee crisis academically exceptional is that the Island of Lesbos houses Greece's only department of cultural anthropology (here) and has already produced critical scholarship. Katerina Rozakou's research is crucial here. This semester, I am using The Biopolitics of Hospitality in Greece: Humanitarianism and the Management of Refugees in an International Studies course. So, Bill and I spoke with Katerina in the Fall to get a better sense of what the fieldwork possibilities might be. Katerina sobered us up. The number of NGOs that have gathered in Lesbos is staggering, and this was before Susan Sarandon, Weiwei, or Angelina Jolie arrived. Bill and I had hoped that there might be a research team already on-the-ground collecting ethnographic data onto which we could attach and supplement material culture or landscape documentation.

Six months after Bill's initial call for an archaeology of care, we have not formulated a clear plan. What has emerged from these conversations, however, are a few ideas of how to tackle the refugee crisis even in a preliminary way. Below are some specific strategies.

1.  GOALS

The goals of this project would be to record the material imprint of this historical event of great magnitude. We have a bunch of research questions formulated by the historiography on camps more generally (e.g. Charlie Hayley, Camps: A Guide to 21st Century Spaces) and our fieldwork in ND Man Camps specifically. Our collaborator Richard Rothaus has participated in archaeological relief work in Turkey (after the 1999 earthquake in Turkey, see here) and is helping us formulate short-term strategies. Our primary goal is to document a social process through physical documentation. We come to the project without a hypothesis but an urgency to capture material realities for future analysis.

1.  LONG vs SHORT TERM

As in the case of the itinerant worker camps in North Dakota, the refugee camps are temporary. Once the crisis abates, these sites will return to oblivion. But they would have captured the material imprint of their refugee biography. The long-term perspective is one of committing to returning to the sites after the populations have departed. The refugee camps are off limits now, unless we find a way to participate through a relief organization. If we plan to return post-abandonment, our goal for the archaeology of occupation is to establish a datum. We can accept that our role now might even be counter-productive, standing in the way of relief organizations.

2.  INVENTORY

In just the last six months, the number of formal and informal sites has been increasing in great numbers. As archaeologists of the contemporary past, we can assemble the data as it comes, whether from news coverage, or from on-ground experiences of volunteers. We are intrigued by the plethora of video coverage as part of the new landscape of activism and the possibility of using those videos as documents of physical reality. The inventory will help strategize on how to proceed with micro-analysis, mapping, and direct observation.

3.  MAP

We take inspiration from remote sensing as an important mapping tool in contemporary archaeology. This methodology has been used in the archeology of Guantanamo Bay (see, Adrian Meyers) and more recently in documenting cultural heritage destruction in Syria and Iraq. High resolution satellite imagery and other geo-spatial data can make the mapping of refugee sites possible without stepping foot on Greece.

4.  PROSPECT

Even without a coherent method of data collection, it is possible to streamline some ground rules on how to prospect on the ground. The collection of this kind of data will have to be collaborative. Could it be a set of guidelines, or scripts that we can follow consistently? What is the role of video or photography?

5. COLLABORATE

By its very precarious nature, this kind of data collection can only be managed collaboratively. None of us has the budget, time, or access to prospect everyone of Greece's sites. Using a model of collaborative data collection, possibly online, we can slowly build a significant body of data. It has become clear to me that many of the traditional summer programs in Greece are beginning to reorient their curriculum around the crisis. College Year in Athens has already formalized their response with a class on The Global Governance of Migration: Emerging Responses to Irregular Migration. I already know half a dozen of fellow academics who are volunteering their Spring Break and have gone to Greece to volunteer. September 2016 will be a very important month, as we all return from varying experiences of ad hoc investigation. That might be the time of formulating.